罗斯福-四项自由 英语演讲稿
mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:
i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.
that determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.
except in the maximilian interlude in mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.
the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.
during sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.
in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
no realistic american can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.
i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nation win this war.
there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger exists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.
the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.
as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.
the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost exclusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
our national policy is this:
first, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
to give you two illustrations:
we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.
we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.
the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
let us say to the democracies: "we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge."
in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.
a free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.
the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.
the basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:
equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
jobs for those who can work.
security for those who need it.
the ending of special privilege for the few.
the preservation of civil liberties for all.
the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.
these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.
many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as examples:
we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.
we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.
we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.
i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.
if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.
in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.
the first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.
the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.
the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.
the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.
that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.
to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.
since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.
this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.
to that high concept there can be no end save victory.
TED名人演讲稿：大人可以跟孩子学什么
i appreciate your attention today, because to show that you truly care, you listen. but there's a problem with this rosy picture of kids being so much better than adults. kids grow up and become adults just like you. (laughter) or just like you, really?我非常感谢你们今天来听我的演讲，因为那说明你们真的在乎，你们在倾听。但是对于“孩子比大人好太多” 这件事仍有一个问题。孩子们长大会变成像你们一样的成人。(笑声)就像你们这样，真的吗?
the goal is not to turn kids into your kind of adult, but rather better adults than you have been, which may be a little challenging considering your guys credentials, but the way progress happens is because new generations and new eras grow and develop and become better than the previous ones.it's the reason we're not in the dark ages anymore. no matter your position of place in life, it is imperative to create opportunities for children so that we can grow up to blow you away.
最终的目标并不是把孩子变成你们这种大人，而是变成比你们更好的大人，考虑到你们已经是比较成功的成人，这可能有一点难度。但是这个过程在发生，因为新的一代的成长和发展并变得比前一辈更好。这就是我们不再处于黑暗时代的原因。不论你处于生生活中何种状态，为你的孩子创造机会很重要，这样他们才能超越你们。
adults and fellow tedsters, you need to listen and learn from kids and trust us and expect more from us. you must lend an ear today, because we are the leaders of tomorrow, which means we're going to be taking care of you when you're old and senile. no, just kidding. no, really, we are going to be the next generation, the ones who will bring this world forward.
大人和ted的关注者们，你们需要从孩子那里倾听和学习，相信我们并且给我们更多期待。你们今天必须倾听我们，因为我们是明天的领导者，因为我们会在你们年老力衰的时候照顾你们。不，开个玩笑。不，说真的，我们将会成为推动这个世界前进的下一代。
and, in case you don't think that this really has meaning for you, remember that cloning is possible, and that involves going through childhood again, in which case, you'll want to be heard just like my generation. now, the world needs opportunities for new leaders and new ideas. kids need opportunities to lead and succeed. are you ready to make the match? because the world's problems shouldn't be the human family's heirloom.
然而，如果您认为这个对您来说没有意义，请记住克隆是可能的，那意味着你们将再次体验童年，您会像我们这一代人一样，渴望被倾听。现在，世界应当为新的领导者和新思想提供机会。孩子们需要机会去领导和成功。你准备好与时俱进了吗?因为我们不应当将前人的错误传递给下一代。
名人励志故事演讲稿
《文天祥少年正气》南宋末年著名的民族英雄文天祥少年时生活困苦，在好心人的帮助下才有机会读书。一次，文天祥被有钱的同学误会是小偷，他据理力争，不许别人践踏自己的尊严，终于证明了自己的清白，而且通过这件事，更加树立了文天祥金榜题名的志向。
《陈平忍辱苦读书》
陈平西汉名相，少时家贫，与哥哥相依为命，为了秉承父命，光耀门庭，不事生产，闭门读书，却为大嫂所不容，为了消弭兄嫂的矛盾，面对一再羞辱，隐忍不发，随着大嫂的变本加厉，终于忍无可忍，出走离家，欲浪迹天涯，被哥哥追回后，又不计前嫌，阻兄休嫂，在当地传为美谈。终有一老着，慕名前来，免费收徒授课，学成后，辅佐刘邦，成就了一番霸业。
《陆羽弃佛从文》
唐朝著名学者陆羽，从小是个孤儿，被智积禅师抚养长大。陆羽虽身在庙中，却不愿终日诵经念佛，而是喜欢吟读诗书。陆羽执意下山求学，遭到了禅师的反对。禅师为了给陆羽出难题，同时也是为了更好地教育他，便叫他学习冲茶。在钻研茶艺的过程中，陆羽碰到了一位好心的老婆婆，不仅学会了复杂的冲茶的技巧，更学会了不少读书和做人的道理。当陆羽最终将一杯热气腾腾的苦丁茶端到禅师面前时，禅师终于答应了他下山读书的要求。后来，陆羽撰写了广为流传的《茶经》，把祖国的茶艺文化发扬光大!
《少年包拯学断案》包拯包青天，自幼聪颖，勤学好问，尤喜推理断案，其家父与知县交往密切，包拯从小耳濡目染，学会了不少的断案知识，尤其在焚庙杀僧一案中，包拯根据现场的蛛丝马迹，剥茧抽丝，排查出犯罪嫌疑人后，又假扮阎王，审清事实真-相，协助知县缉拿凶手，为民除害。他努力学习律法刑理知识，为长大以后断案如神，为民伸冤，打下了深厚的知识基矗
《万斯同闭门苦读》
清朝初期的著名学者、史学家万斯同参与编撰了我国重要史书《二十四史》。但万斯同小的时候也是一个顽皮的孩子。万斯同由于贪玩，在宾客们面前丢了面子，从而遭到了宾客们的批评。万斯同恼怒之下，掀翻了宾客们的桌子，被父亲关到了书屋里。万斯同从生气、厌恶读书，到闭门思过，并从《茶经》中受到启发，开始用心读书。转眼一年多过去了，万斯同在书屋中读了很多书，父亲原谅了儿子，而万斯同也明白了父亲的良苦用心。万斯同经过长期的勤学苦读，终于成为一位通晓历史遍览群书的著名学者，并参与了《二十四史》之《明史》的编修工作。
《唐伯虎潜心学画》
唐伯虎是明朝著名的画家和文学家，小的时候在画画方面显示了超人的才华。唐伯虎拜师，拜在大画家沈周门下，学习自然更加刻苦勤奋，掌握绘画技艺很快，深受沈周的称赞。不料，由于沈周的称赞，这次使一向谦虚的唐伯虎也渐渐地产生了自满的情绪，沈周看在眼中，记在心里，一次吃饭，沈周让唐伯虎去开窗户，唐伯虎发现自己手下的窗户竟是老师沈周的一幅画，唐伯虎非常惭愧，从此潜心学画。
《林则徐对联立志》这个故事讲的是清代著名的民族英雄林则。林则徐小时候就天资聪慧，两次机会下，作了两幅对联，这两幅对联表达了林则徐的远大志向。林则徐不仅敢于立志，而且读书刻苦，长大后成就了一番大事业，受到了后世的敬仰。
《文天祥少年正气》
南宋末年著名的民族英雄文天祥少年时生活困苦，在好心人的帮助下才有机会读书。一次，文天祥被有钱的同学误会是小偷，他据理力争，不许别人践踏自己的尊严，终于证明了自己的清白，而且通过这件事，更加树立了文天祥金榜题名的志向。
名人英语演讲稿范文
1. steve jobs
史蒂芬·乔布斯ceo of apple computers 苹果电脑ceostanford university 斯坦福大学june 12, XX
XX年6月12日remembering that you are going to die is the best way i know to avoid the trap of thinking you have something to lose. you are already naked. there is no reason not to follow your heart.your time is limited, so don't waste it living someone else's life. don't be trapped by dogma — which is living with the results of other people's thinking. don't let the noise of others' opinions drown out your own inner voice. and most important, have the courage to follow your heart and intuition. they somehow already know what you truly want to become. everything else is secondary。
记着你总会死去，这是我知道的防止患得患失的最佳办法。赤条条来去无牵挂，还有什么理由不随你的心?!你的时间是有限的，因此不要把时间浪费在过别人的生活上。不要被教条所困——使自己的生活受限于他人的思想成果。不要让他人的意见淹没了你自己内心的声音。最重要的是，要有勇气跟随你的内心与直觉，它们好歹已经知道你真正想让自己成为什么。其他的，都是次要的。
2. david foster wallace
novelist 小说家kenyon college 肯尼恩学院may 21, XX
XX年5月21日there are these two young fish swimming along and they happen to meet an older fish swimming the other way, who nods at them and says, “morning, boys. how's the water?” and the two young fish swim on for a bit, and then eventually one of them looks over at the other and goes, “what the hell is water?”... simple awareness; awareness of what is so real and essential, so hidden in plain sight all around us, all the time, that we have to keep reminding ourselves over and over:“this is water。”“this is water。”it is unimaginably hard to do this, to stay conscious and alive in the adult world day in and day out。
有两条小鱼一起在水里游，碰到一条老鱼迎面游过来。老鱼向他们点点头，并说：“早上好，孩子们。水怎么样?”这两条小鱼继续往前游了一会儿后，其中一条小鱼实在忍不住了，看了一下另一条小鱼，问道：“水到底是什么东西?”……简单的意识;对我们生活中如此真实、如此必不可少、无处不在、无时不在的事物的意识，需要我们一遍一遍地提醒自己：“这是水。”“这是水。”天天都保持意识清醒而鲜活，在成人世界中做到这点，是不可想象地难。
3. michael uslan
迈克尔·奥斯兰movie producer 电影制片人indiana university 印第安纳大学may 06, XX
XX年5月6日you must believe in yourself and in your work. when our first batman movie broke all those box-office records, i received a phone call from that united artists exec who, years before, had told me i was out of my mind. now he said, “michael, i'm just calling to congratulate you on the success of batman. i always said you were a visionary。” you see the point here — don't believe them when they tell you how bad you are or how terrible your ideas are, but also, don't believe them when they tell you how wonderful you are and how great your ideas are. just believe in yourself and you'll do just fine. and, oh yes, don't then forget to market yourself and your ideas. use both sides of your brain.you must have a high threshold for frustration. take it from the guy who was turned down by every studio in hollywood. you must knock on doors until your knuckles bleed. doors will slam in your face. you must pick yourself up, dust yourself off, and knock again. it's the only way to achieve your goals in life。
你必须相信你自己，对自己的工作充满信心。当我们的第一部电影《蝙蝠侠》创下史无前例的票房纪录时，我接到了艺术家联合会会长的电话，他在数年之前曾说我疯了。如今他说：“迈克尔，我给你打电话祝贺《蝙蝠侠》的成功。我总说你是一位有远见的人。”你看，关键在这里，当他们说你有多差，你的想法有多糟的时候，不要信他们的话，同时，当他们告诉你你有多么了不起，你的想法多美妙时，也不要相信他们。你就只相信你自己，这样你就能做好。还有，那就是，不要忘记推销你自己和你的想法。左右大脑你都得用。要能经受得住挫败。这是被好莱坞每一家制片厂拒绝过的人的经验。你必须去敲一扇扇的门，直到指关节流血。大门会在你面前砰然关上，你必须重振旗鼓，弹去身上的灰尘，再敲下一扇门。这是实现你人生目标的唯一办法。
4. woody hayes
伍迪·海耶斯college fooball coach 大学橄榄球教练ohio state university 俄亥俄州立大学may 14, 1986
1986年5月14日in football we always said that the other team couldn't beat us. we had to be sure that we didn't beat ourselves. and that’s what people have to do, too — make sure they don't beat themselves.... you'll find out that nothing that comes easy is worth a dime. as a matter of fact, i never saw a football player make a tackle with a smile on his face. never。
在橄榄球场上，我们总是说其他队战胜不了我们。我们必须做到不把自己打垮。所有人也都必须这么做，确保自己不要被自己打垮。……你会发现，来得容易的东西总是一文不值。事实上，我从来没有看到哪位橄榄球运动员是带着微笑完成阻截的。从来没有。
5. bradley whitford
布兰德利·惠特福德actor 演员university wisconsin - madison 威斯康辛大学麦迪逊分校may 17, XX
XX年5月17日number one: fall in love with the process and the results will follow.number two: do your work.number three: once you're prepared, throw your preparation in the trash.number four: you are capable of more than you think.number five: listen.number six: take action.you have a choice. you can either be a passive victim of circumstance or you can be the active hero of your own life. action is the antidote to apathy and cynicism and despair。
第一，爱上过程，结果自然会来。第二，做你的事。第三，一旦准备好，就付诸行动。第四，你能做的，超出了你的想象。第五，聆听。第六，采取行动。你有一个选择。要么你成为环境的被动受害者，要么你主动成为自己生活的英雄。行动可以消除冷漠、玩世不恭与绝望。
6. jerry zucker
杰瑞·朱克director, movie producer 导演、电影制片人university of wisconsin 威斯康辛大学may 17, XX
XX年5月17日it doesn't matter whether your dream came true if you spent your whole life sleeping.ask yourself one question: if i didn't have to do it perfectly, what would i try?nobody else is paying as much attention to your failures as you are. you're the only one who is obsessed with the importance of your own life. to everyone else, it's just a blip on the radar screen, so just move on。
如果你一生都在睡觉，你的梦想是否实现就无关紧要了。问你自己一个问题：如果我不是必须做得完美，那我还努力什么呢?没有人会像你自己那样对自己的失败那么在意。你是唯一一个能追求自己的生活意义的人。对于其他所有人来说，你只是雷达荧光屏上的一个光点。所以，只管前行吧。
7. earl bakken
厄尔·巴肯businessman 商人university of hawaii 夏威夷大学may 16, XX
XX年5月16日by all reckoning, the bumblebee is aerodynamically unsound and shouldn't be able to fly. yet, the little bee gets those wings going like a turbo-jet and flies to every plant its chubby little body can land on to collect all the nectar it can hold.bumblebees are the most persistent creatures. they don't know they can't fly, so they just keep buzzing around.never give in to pessimism. don't know that you can't fly, and you will soar like an eagle. don't end up regretting what you did not do because you were too lazy or too frightened to soar. be a bumblebee! and soar to the heavens. you can do it。
无论怎么考量，大黄蜂从空气动力学上讲是不健全、不应该会飞的。但是，这种小蜜蜂却像涡轮喷气飞机一样地展翅飞行，飞到它圆乎乎的身体能够降落的任何植物上去采蜜。大黄蜂最坚韧的生灵，它们不知道自己不能飞，因此它们只管到处嗡嗡地飞个不停。千万不要悲观。不知道你不会飞，你会像鹰一样高高飞翔。不要到头来后悔自己因为太懒或太怕高飞而无所作为。做一只大黄蜂。飞到天上去。你能做到的。
8. john walsh
约翰·沃尔什author and art historian 作家和艺术历史学家wheaton college 惠顿学院XX
XX年do one thing at a time. give each experience all your attention. try to resist being distracted by other sights and sounds, other thoughts and tasks, and when it is, guide your mind back to what you're doing.i'm not warning against learning many things on many subjects. my warning is against distraction, whether you invite it or just let it happen. in baseball, high-percentage hitters know better: it's “focus” they talk about, and they prize it as much as strength. psychologists describe skilled rock climbers and tennis players and pianists as going beyond focus, to what they have called a “flow” experience, a sense of absorption with the rock or the ball or the music in which the “me versus it” disappears and there's a kind of oneness with the task that brings a joyful higher awareness, as well as successful performance. i've had these experiences, too little but not too late, and probably you have, too. they are a supreme kind of pleasure. you will have more of them if you do one thing at a time。
一次做一件事情。全力关注你每一次的经历。决不要被别的声色之物和其他想法、任务分心。一旦分心了，引导你的注意力重新回到你做的事情上。我不是在反对学习多个学科的众多知识。我所警告的是分心与干扰，无论是你主动招惹的，还是让它发生的。在棒球场上，得分高的击球员对此有更深体会：他们谈的是“专注”，他们把它看得跟力量一样重要。在心理学家的描述中，高技能的攀岩者、网球运动员、钢琴家已经超越了专注，达到了他们所称的经验之“流”，那是一种跟岩石、网球或音乐融为一体的感觉，“我与它”已然消失，跟任务合二为一，给人以更高水平的愉悦体验，而不仅仅是成功地完成了任务。我有这种体验，虽然很少，但来得还不算迟，或许你也有这种体验。这是一种最高形式的快乐。如果你一次专注于一件事情，你就会有更多这样的体验。
9. david l. calhoun
大卫·卡尔霍恩businessman 商人virginia tech 弗吉尼亚理工大学may 13, XX
XX年5月13日i worked for a guy named jack welch for twenty years at ge. he was, and is, a great mentor as much as a great leader. if i had to isolate the subject he spoke most passionately to me about, over all those years, it is that self confidence is the most important, the indispensable characteristic of success, the common characteristic shared by great leaders whose talents may have varied widely in most other respects.so, how do you get it? what is the secret to developing your own brand of self-confidence?first, you must resolve to grow intellectually, morally, technically, and professionally every day through your entire work and family life. you need to ask yourself every day: am i really up to speed or falling behind? am i still learning? or am i just doing the same stuff on a different day or as otis redding sings, “sitting on the dock of the bay... watching the tide roll away?”the lust for learning is age-independent.another important way to build your confidence is to seek out the toughest jobs, the most daunting scientific, engineering or management challenges。
我在通用公司为一个名叫杰克·韦尔奇的家伙工作了20年。他既是一位伟大的领导者，也是一位伟大的导师，过去是，现在也是。如果我必须找出那些年里他充满激情地对我说的最主要的话，那就是：自信是最重要的，它是成功必不可少的，是所有在其他多数方面才能也许大相径庭的伟大领导者的共同特征。如何获得自信?培养你特有的自信的秘诀是什么?首先，你必须下决心每天都通过你的工作和家庭生活去获得智力、道德、技术与专业上的提高。你需要每天问自己：我是在加速前进还是在后退?我还在学习吗?我是在每天重复做同样的事情或就像奥蒂斯·瑞汀所唱的那样，“坐在海湾的码头上，看潮起潮落”?对学习的渴望是不受年龄限制的。培养自信的另一个重要途径是寻找最难做的工作，最棘手的科学、工程或管理方面的难题。
10. marc s. lewis
马克·刘易斯clinical psychology professor 临床心理学教授university of texas at austin 得克萨斯大学奥斯汀分校may 19, XX
XX年5月19日there are times when you are going to do well, and times when you're going to fail. but neither the doing well, nor the failure is the measure of success. the measure of success is what you think about what you've done. let me put that another way: the way to be happy is to like yourself and the way to like yourself is to do only things that make you proud.there's that old joke, not very funny, that goes, “no matter where you go, there you are。” that's true. the person who you're with most in life is yourself and if you don't like yourself you're always with somebody you don't like。
有时候你会干得很漂亮，有时候你会失败，但二者都不是衡量成功的标准。衡量成功的标准是你自己对你的所为怎么看。让我换一句话说：让自己幸福的办法是喜欢你自己，喜欢自己的办法是只做让你自己感到骄傲的事情。有一个老笑话，不是很好笑，它是这么说的：“无论你走到哪里，你都在那里。”这是真的。你一生中跟你在一起最多的人是你自己，如果你不喜欢你自己，那你就会总是跟你不喜欢的人在一起。
